Suchergebnisse

Hegel on state-formation and the tragedy of war -- 'A working theory of life': T.H. Green on franchise reform -- 'An unregenerate Hegelian': Edward Caird on history and sittlichkeit -- Bernard Bosanquet on individuality and the state -- Idealism and cultural diversity -- Conclusion

"Forced Migration, Refugees, and Asylum" published on by Oxford University Press.

The thought of G. Gentile in ORIGINE E DOTTRINA DEL FASCISMO (Origins and Doctrines of Fascism, no publishing information given) on fascism in Italy is examined. It is stated that Gentile's allegiance to fascism, & fascism's attraction for intellectuals in general, was considerable. The situation in which Italy found herself at the end of WW1 was the real turning-point toward fascism. The expectation of intellectuals that the war would bring about a spiritual revolution in pol & in the Italian nation was in no way fulfilled. The disillusioned idealists felt that fascism would "draw together into one spiritual unity the creative souls of its citizens." The philosophical & theoretical background which led to such thinking is explored. Fascist theorists made much talk of considering all members of society as potential equals. Fascism succeeded in drawing together the Hegelian tradition of nat'list ideology, in which the individual is subordinate to the advancement of the nation as a whole, & the ideas of F. W. Nietzsche & G. Sorel on the right of a strong elite of superior minds to direct the lives of the individuals & lead the nation. All of Gentile's endeavors within the fascist state were imbued with a highly idealistic "Fascist spirit." No stone could remain unturned in the creation & completion of the fascist ideal; Gentile, as Minister of Public Educ under the fascists, therefore initiated educ'al reforms to impart this "new spirit" through the media of educ. A critique of Gentile's philosophy is offered in 2 parts: (a) an estimation of how much of what Gentile envisaged in ideal terms became actual in the real world, & (b) an examination of whether this idealism had any chance of being transmuted into reality, given its premises, the circumstances to which it was to be applied, & the plethora of other relevant factors & constraints acting upon such a system. It is found that Gentile was sincere, but his ideals had no chance under Mussolini's totalitarian outlook. M. Maxfield.

Intro -- Acknowledgements -- Contents -- Abbreviations -- List of Figures -- Chapter 1: The League of Nations and the Study of International Relations -- International Studies in the Interwar Years -- The Origins of Intellectual Cooperation -- The International Committee on Intellectual Cooperation -- Henri Bergson and Intellectual Cooperation -- Towards a Society of Minds -- The International Institute of Intellectual Cooperation -- Practical Projects or Theoretical Reflections: The Conflict Between Luchaire and Zimmern -- Chapter 2: The League of Nations and Origins of the International Studies Conference -- Pre-war Tendencies -- From the Great War to the Paris Peace Conference -- The Institutionalisation of International Studies -- Private Philanthropy -- League of Nations' Teaching and Reform of Scholarly Manuals -- Alfred E. Zimmern and the Development of International Studies -- Arnold J. Toynbee: Civilisations, War and Nationality -- Ernst Jäckh and the German Political Academy -- Chapter 3: The Paris Peace Conference, Racial Equality and the Shandong Question -- Japan's Racial Equality Amendment at the Fifth Meeting of the League of Nations Commission -- The Amendment at the Tenth Meeting of the Commission of the League of Nations -- The Racial Equality Amendment: Revised and Then Rejected -- A Diplomatic Herring? -- The Origins of the Shandong Controversy -- The Japanese Claims at the Peace Conference -- The Chinese Demand for the Restitution of Shandong -- The Response of the Japanese Delegation and the Reactions of the Council of Three -- A Settlement to Save the League? -- A Bitter Chinese Reaction -- Chapter 4: The Quest for a Machinery of Cooperation in the Pacific: The Covenant Rejected, the Washington Conference and the 1924 Exclusion Laws -- The Struggle Over Shandong in Washington.

"A smart, lively history of the Internet free culture movement and its larger effects on society--and the life and shocking suicide of Aaron Swartz, a founding developer of Reddit and Creative Commons--from Slate correspondent Justin Peters. Aaron Swartz was a zealous young advocate for the free exchange of information and creative content online. He committed suicide in 2013 after being indicted by the government for illegally downloading millions of academic articles from a nonprofit online database. From the age of fifteen, when Swartz, a computer prodigy, worked with Lawrence Lessig to launch Creative Commons, to his years as a fighter for copyright reform and open information, to his work leading the protests against the Stop Online Piracy Act (SOPA), to his posthumous status as a cultural icon, Swartz's life was inextricably connected to the free culture movement. Now Justin Peters examines Swartz's life in the context of 200 years of struggle over the control of information. In vivid, accessible prose, The Idealist situates Swartz in the context of other "data moralists" past and present, from lexicographer Noah Webster to ebook pioneer Michael Hart to NSA whistleblower Edward Snowden. In the process, the book explores the history of copyright statutes and the public domain; examines archivists' ongoing quest to build the "library of the future"; and charts the rise of open access, copyleft, and other ideologies that have come to challenge protectionist IP policies. Peters also breaks down the government's case against Swartz and explains how we reached the point where federally funded academic research came to be considered private property, and downloading that material in bulk came to be considered a federal crime. The Idealist is an important investigation of the fate of the digital commons in an increasingly corporatized Internet, and an essential look at the impact of the free culture movement on our daily lives and on generations to come"--

Sir Alexander Paterson (1884-1947) is best remembered for his role as Commissioner of Prisons and as the individual responsible for some of the greatest British innovations in the field of penal practice. All major prison reforms of his day can be associated with his name. One of the key characteristics of Paterson's reform drive was that he brought a much more 'scientific' approach to penology, encouraging psychiatrists and psychologists to work in prison. He was the prime mover behind the rapid expansion and transformation of the Borstal System and the introduction of open prisons, gaining Britain an international reputation for being at the forefront of penal reform. Harry Potter's account is the first biography of Alexander Paterson and it is based on unpublished material from government and family archives. Besides his achievements as prison reformer, Paterson's life encapsulated many trends in English society in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries: from the influence of Liberalism and Unitarianism in the industrial heartland of his youth, the Idealist philosophy of Thomas Hill Green at Oxford, to the impact of school and university 'missions' in the dark reaches of London. At Oxford he became friends with Clement Atlee. He also knew the radical Winston Churchill and it was Churchill who in 1910 first appointed him to a leading role in the aftercare of prisoners. Paterson's most formative years were undoubtedly spent living in a slum dwelling in South London when he devoted his time and energy to the Oxford and Bermondsey Medical Mission, one of the university settlements so common at the time - Attlee famously spent years in Hailesbury boys' club and Toynbee Hall in the East End. Paterson went on to publish a best-selling book - Across the Bridges - on his experiences in the South London slums. After a distinguished service in the Great War, Paterson devoted the rest of his life to the prison service at home and to penal reform abroad. Given current debates about prison reform and the general challenges the penal system is facing, revisiting Paterson's life and work will be a timely endeavour. Harry Potter - criminal barrister, historian and former prison chaplain - is ideally suited to write this biography.

Cover -- Half Title -- Title Page -- Copyright Page -- Original Title Page -- Original Copyright Page -- Dedication -- Preface -- Table of Contents -- I: Social-Imperialism -- II: Social-Darwinism: Benjamin Kidd and Karl Pearson -- III: A Party of National Efficiency: The Liberal-Imperialists and the Fabians -- IV: Joseph Chamberlain's 'Squalid Argument' -- V: The Social-Imperialism of the Tariff Reform League -- VI: Fabianism and Liberal-Imperialism, 1903-1914 -- VII: The Two Imperialisms -- VIII: Sir Halford Mackinder: Theorist of Imperialism -- IX: Viscount Milner: Social-Imperial Idealist -- X: William Cunningham: National Economist -- XI: Sir William Ashley as 'Socialist of the Chair' -- XII: Lord Roberts and Robert Blatchford -- XIII: Conclusion -- Selected Bibliography -- Index.

T. V. Powderly, Grand Master Workman of the Noble Order of the Knights of Labor from 1879 to 1893, has been portrayed in many different ways—as idealist, reformer, humanitarian, windbag, renegade, crook, imposter, agitator, introvert, self-seeker, charlatan, cheap politician, turncoat, rabble rouser, and drippy sentimentalist. Some claim that he was a great labor leader; others just as vigorously maintain that he was utterly lacking in the qualities of leadership—that he was, in reality, an insignificant nobody swept along by the changing currents of the American labor movement. It is not the purpose of this short article to paint a full-length portrait of Powderly but rather, on the basis of newly discovered data, to indicate briefly which, if any, of the above characterizations fit the man.

The aim of the article is the antinomy of responsible politics and irresponsible politics. Takinginto consideration the philosophical considerations determining the tasks of politics and thecontexts of individual responsibility for its actions (also political), a classification can bemade. The goal of politics, as per Hannah Arendt, is to protect social resources sustaininglife, as well as the productivity resulting from an open and free development of the society.Responsible politics is, therefore, a rational politics, serving these goals, not taking actionsof a different nature. The examples of responsible and irresponsible politics can be found inhistory. In Polish history, the example of a responsible politics can be found in the decisions ofthe leaders of the Third Silesian Uprising, whereas the opposite is found in the foreign politicson the eve of the II World War. Conducting the politics of strength, power politics, without theproper instruments must be related with an irresponsible threatening the national existence.Keywords: responsibility, irresponsibility, politics, realists, idealists, reform

Purpose
– Drawing its arguments and conclusion from a ten-year survey on workers' experiences of labour disputes, along with anticipation of trade union reform, the purpose of this paper is to discuss the interaction between labour resistance and its potential for institutional change in the field of labour relations in China.


Design/methodology/approach
– This paper uses a longitudinal cohort study carried out between 2006 and 2015. The survey was conducted every two years, specifically in 2006, 2008, 2011, 2013 and 2015, in Guangdong Province, China. Questionnaire and interview methods were used; 2,166 valid sample questionnaires were collected, and 215 interviews were carried out over the research period.


Findings
– An increase in collectivized disputes in China has given rise to an escalation of labour action, characterized by wildcat strikes. Joint action has strengthened the bonds among work colleagues, and it has become more important for workers to pay attention to their rights and interests. In terms of organization, two viewpoints towards union reform were revealed: the pragmatist and the idealist perspectives. Workers with greater experience of resistance were more modest in terms of demands for union reform, while workers with some experience called for their union's independence from the party-state.


Research limitations/implications
– The data contained industry bias, as too many respondents were from electronics-manufacturing and textile and apparel plants.


Originality/value
– This paper is original, and increases awareness of the development of the labour movement in China.

This book engages in the controversies of the European Union s Common Agricultural Policy (CAP) reforms, demonstrating how these are reiterated by mainstream theoretical approaches in the field. The reforms that the European Union s CAP underwent during the last three decades were intended to make it less trade-distorting, more taxpayer-friendly and more able to meet the new challenges of environmental concerns and rural development/territorial cohesion. The outcome of the reforms has, however, contradicted these objectives, with the controversies being reiterated by the mainstream theoretical approaches in the field. European Union s Common Agricultural Policy Reforms argues that these controversies are due to reductionist, rationalist and idealist assumptions with regard to the object of inquiry applied by mainstream approaches. It proposes an alternative critical approach that takes into account the role of real material factors. Critical realism is not just an alternative explanation of CAP reforms but an alternative theory of how explanations can be made, which enables readers to reflect upon and endorse the results of existing lines of research in proceeding towards deeper level theory."

Once notorious but now largely forgotten, the political idealist and radical John Baxter Langley was typical of the well-educated and ethical Victorians who struggled to create a fairer, more equal society. Through a long and wide-ranging career of political agitation he was a journalist, editor and owner of several newspapers, was prominent in the call for franchise reform, and opposed religious legislation that prevented Sunday entertainment and education for working men and women.

Langley was also integral to the founding of a trade union, campaigned for an end to public executions and built affordable housing in Battersea. Internationally, he condemned the Second Opium War, exposed British brutality in India and worked covertly for Lincoln's administration. He was a fellow-traveller for many other key radicals of the day, while his founding of the 'Church of the Future' garnered the support of Charles Darwin, James Martineau and John Stuart Mill.
Through a chronological narrative of Langley's activities, this book provides an overview of many of the most significant political causes of the mid- to late nineteenth century. These include electoral reform, feminism, slavery, racism, trade unionism, workers' rights, the free press, leisure, prostitution, foreign relations and espionage. A neglected but important figure in the history of nineteenth-century radicalism, this work gives John Baxter Langley the attention he deserves and reveals the breadth of his legacy.

ABSTRACTThe "conflict school" in contemporary sociology emerged in large part as a critique of the theory of social change that Talcott Parsons developed during his middle period, which began with the empiricallyoriented essays that appeared after The Structure of Social Action (Parsons, 1937), and extended through the simultaneous publication of Towards a General Theory of Action (Parsons and Shils, 1951) and The Social System (Parsons, 1951). The conflict critique, now enshrined in textbook lore and highbrow writing alike, accused Parsons of a static, idealist bias that ignored issues of process, conflict, and change. While Parsons's attitude toward change, during this and later periods of his development, was complex and often ambiguous, this evaluation was certainly incorrect. I will demonstrate, in fact, that in this middle period Parsons actually produced a more systematic and compelling approach to conflict and change than the theories produced by the conflict critics themselves.In the first part of this paper, I will present the formal elements of Parsons's change theory. The second part will add substance to this theory by showing how Parsons applied it to the empirical problematics of recent Western development. In the third section, I will relate this formal and substantive theorizing to the vastly misunderstood deviance paradigm from The Social System. In conclusion, I will return to the question with which I began: What is the real relationship between the conflict theorists and their very useful straw man, "Talcott Parsons"?1

Once notorious but now largely forgotten, the political idealist and radical John Baxter Langley was typical of the well-educated and ethical Victorians who struggled to create a fairer, more equal society. Through a long and wide-ranging career of political agitation he was a journalist, editor and owner of several newspapers, was prominent in the call for franchise reform, and opposed religious legislation that prevented Sunday entertainment and education for working men and women. Langley was also integral to the founding of a trade union, campaigned for an end to public executions and built affordable housing in Battersea. Internationally, he condemned the Second Opium War, exposed British brutality in India and worked covertly for Lincoln's administration. He was a fellow-traveller for many other key radicals of the day, while his founding of the 'Church of the Future' garnered the support of Charles Darwin, James Martineau and John Stuart Mill. Through a chronological narrative of Langley's activities, this book provides an overview of many of the most significant political causes of the mid- to late nineteenth century. These include electoral reform, feminism, slavery, racism, trade unionism, workers' rights, the free press, leisure, prostitution, foreign relations and espionage. A neglected but important figure in the history of nineteenth-century radicalism, this work gives John Baxter Langley the attention he deserves and reveals the breadth of his legacy.